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Objective/context: The decade of the 1920s witnessed a significant transformation in Peruvian political culture with the widespread recognition of the indigenous problem as a socioeconomic phenomenon, which paved the way for new political languages. This article aims to recover the role of myth in the Peruvian indigenista debate during this period. Specifically, it delves into the literary polemic of indigenismo in 1927, focusing on how intellectuals from Lima, Cusco, and Puno bestowed their arguments with legitimacy, effectively intertwining literature and history through the incorporation of mythical elements. Methodology: The study proposes an examination of the arguments put forth by indigenista intellectuals using the tools of conceptual history, drawing heavily from Hans Blumenberg’s work on myth. This theoretical framework helps uncover the semantic foundations of Peruvian indigenist’s language and sheds light on the historical temporalities of their political projects. Originality: This article advances a novel analysis of the intellectual field by reinterpreting primary sources related to the 1927 indigenismo polemic, reconstructing synchronic languages on national identity, and highlighting the role of myth as a significant rhetorical device. By exploring how supporters of indigenismo creatively employed myth to imagine the past and mobilize politically, this study uncovers previously overlooked conceptual shifts and their mythical underpinnings. Conclusions: The study argues that myth played a crucial role in shaping the political language of a new generation of Peruvian intellectuals. Indigenismo facilitated the emergence of novel conceptual frameworks that interrogated national identity, accelerated expectations of change, and incorporated mythical elements from indigenous experiences, including rebellions in the south and the activities of the Comité Pro-Derecho Indígena Tahuantinsuyo. Concepts such as nation and socialism were democratized and imbued with mythical significance, reflecting the diverse temporalities within the indigenista movement.

This introduction charts the editors' evolving understanding of the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for literary studies in the real time of the crisis. Oriented around the themes of friendship and community, the introduction articulates the overall ambition of the issue as one of maintaining an engaged intellectual community during the isolation imposed by the pandemic. Foregrounding narrative as the issue's major emphasis, it describes how the issue engages with pandemic storytelling in relation to literary history and literary production, environmental literary studies, and higher education and the profession. Finally, it provides an overview of the issue's sections and essays. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this interview, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak revisits the debate between essentialism and anti-essentialism by reconsidering various theoretical frameworks she has engaged with over her intellectual journey. These frameworks include deconstruction, Marxism, and feminisms, alongside reflections on the role of philosophy. One key focus of her reflection is the concept of strategic essentialism in understanding social movements, diverging from her previous stances. Spivak suggests viewing it as an ongoing critique of essentialist approaches, emphasizing the importance of maintaining critical, strategic, and indispensable elements within a minimalizable essence. She also stresses the significance of authorial positioning and autobiographical narratives, drawing on childhood lessons. She explores teaching as a practice that can convey the impossibility of fixed essences rather than engaging in theoretical debates. She examines her own place within the Subaltern Studies Group and the political connotations of the "Third World." Towards the end, she delves into the practical perspective on essences concerning empirical realities and the dynamic between researchers and their audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws upon a textual variant in Thomas Mann's novel Doktor Faustus, and proceeds to investigate the issue which it raises: the role of heresy in the novel, and the question of whether the heretical in art is more accessible or inaccessible than the orthodox. Heresy and its opposite, the orthodox or the 'pious', as Mann normally describes it, are categories of religious thought, used by Mann in a transferred sense to convey the spiritual and intellectual dilemma of the modern artist. Given that Adrian Leverkühn is a composer, and that the reader therefore needs to take Mann's description (through the narrator Zeitblom) of his music 'on trust', the thesis of this article is that an understanding of the sources within the Christian heretical tradition upon which Leverkühn draws for his compositions is necessary for the reader's understanding of the nature of his music and its relationship to the artistic tradition which it both acknowledges and rejects. The article also posits the decisive influence upon Doktor Faustus of the treatment of heresy in Dostoevsky's major novels. It concludes by considering a further associated textual detail with regard to the question of salvation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the dominant modes of academic address, the conference paper, the journal article, and the monograph, reinforce problematic and exclusionary assumptions concerning what counts as legitimate research, whilst also restricting academic enquiry and impoverishing intellectual life. It makes its case by exploring in some detail the intellectual commitments of one the West's more wayward 20th century thinkers, Georges Bataille. It suggests that Bataille presents not simply a conceptual armoury (and one among many) for critiquing Western logocentrism from within, but offers an example of what a less domesticated, less stylistically narrowed mode of thinking might look like. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of a shift in focus from political praxis to trauma work in the context of a failed democratisation movement. It investigates the various phenomena which emerge when intellectuals, under the traumatic impact of violence and atrocities, place trauma narration at the core of their interventions. Drawing on document analysis, participant observation and semi-structured interviews with twenty nine exiled Syrian intellectuals in Paris and Berlin who had participated in the revolutionary movement of 2011, the paper suggests that an inversion of the normative power structures pertaining to how intellectuals relate to their publics occurs when they adopt, under conditions of extreme violence and trauma, what we call a radically embedded positionality vis-à-vis 'the people'. This results in the dismantling of previous figurations of the 'militant intellectual' along with praxis-focused notions of the 'responsibility of intellectuals', ultimately undermining their ideational influence upon domestic publics and weakening their political impact and critical role within a revolutionary movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The immediate task of the Mexican post-revolutionary governments in the twenties was the creation and consolidation of institutions that would build the ideological program of the new state. In this task, intellectuals played a prominent role, particularly in the debate on the definitions of culture and national identity, which fostered an atmosphere of exchange of ideas, as well as tensions between different artistic and intellectual groups. This article analyzes two specific groups: the first headed by José Vasconcelos and the second by Pedro Henríquez Ureña. Both characters shared an intellectual bond and common purposes, but different ways of fulfilling those goals: on the one hand, as a maker of institutions, directly linked to the governmental structure and government actions and on the other, as a social critic. Thus, through the comparative analysis of two publications in particular: La falange. Revista de cultura latina, as organ of the group linked to José Vasconcelos, and Vida Mexicana. Revista mensual de ideas de interés, by those who followed Pedro Henríquez Ureña, analyzes the trajectory of two ways of understanding the social role attributed to intellectuals, the points in common of these groups, as well as the differences in the projects and trajectories that followed later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the British conservative movement, the hard right is identifiable and significant. The hard right tends to believe that Britain's cultural institutions, such as the BBC, have an embedded anti-conservative bias. For them, the Corporation represents everything that is wrong with the 'liberal metropolitan elite' that, they believe, controls key institutions. This article explores the contribution to this narrative made by the popular historian and combative political commentator Paul Johnson, a prominent public figure in the UK and USA for many decades. Johnson's potent melding of social, political, and economic critiques of the Corporation represented a significant deepening of an 'anti-BBC mood' on the British right. This article contextualises the cultural logic explicit in Johnson's critique of the BBC and the wider 'liberal establishment'. It does so by contrasting Johnson with the influential cultural theorist Richard Hoggart, who shared Johnson's view that, during the latter part of the twentieth century, the original mission of the BBC was severely eroded. Examining Johnson's thought provides important insights into the character, strengths, and weaknesses of the hard right view. What emerges is a profound disjunction between the certainty and forcefulness with which hard right narratives are put forward and their deep contestability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractSuccessive crises – social, environmental and political – have led some in global governance circles to advocate a more ‘inclusive capitalism’. In this article, I show how this postcrisis language of inclusive capitalism was used by a specific subset of officials within the Bank of England: Those with high levels of experience in public sector and international official institutions. It is argued that these officials are ‘organic intellectuals’ who mobilise their experience of inter-institutional collaboration as a deliberative model for solving long-term social problems. The institutional experience of these officials and their concern with crises of trust in expertise facilitated the adoption of these models of communicative intervention. I draw on a novel dataset of Bank officials’ career data and speeches, as well as twelve interviews with current and former Bank staff, to show who used this language, in what settings and what motivated its adoption. The article makes a novel contribution to debates about the motivations of key figures in central banks, suggesting that their actions go beyond reputation defence to encompass an expansive worldview of how capitalism might solve its myriad crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the importance of breadth in teaching and research in the field of modern British history. The author emphasizes the value of interdisciplinary approaches and the need for researchers to have a strong understanding of both Britain and the wider world. The article also highlights the importance of research skills in navigating breadth and encourages a pluralistic approach to teaching and research. The author argues that a broader understanding of history can lead to a deeper understanding of modern Britain and its relationship with the world. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the challenges faced by the Women's and Gender Studies program in Florida due to recent political shifts. The program has had to navigate new laws and regulations, although it is not directly affected by them. Despite these challenges, the program has seen an increase in student interest and engagement. The author, Diane Price Herndl, believes that gender studies will continue to thrive in Florida, highlighting the program's resilience and the addition of "sexuality" to its name. The article also discusses the connection between the pandemic and the assault on gender studies, as well as the influence of right-wing parent groups in the state. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines literary and cinematic representations of ethnic frontiers in China in the 1980s to illustrate how they serve to express intellectuals' different views of China's sociopolitical condition, especially ultra-leftist history and the burgeoning market economy. Works under examination include Zhang Nuanxin's Sacrificed Youth, Bai Hua's The Remote Country of Women, Tashi Dawa's "A Soul in Bondage," Tian Zhuangzhuang's The Horse Thief, and Zhang Chengzhi's The Black Steed. These different discourses of ethnic frontiers contest with each other, reflecting intellectuals' disagreement over how to understand China's past, present, and future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on proposing a new understanding of intellectual humility, defining it as freedom from prideful distraction by one's intellectual ego, termed the "no-distraction account." This account aims to encompass the value of humility in various contexts, including those of oppression and marginalization, by emphasizing clarity of thought and freedom from self-validation in intellectual pursuits.

How does a crisis of the state and its 'emergency politics' lead to a crisis of the intellectual, or what does it mean to be an intellectual in our contemporary conjuncture beyond Western clichés and the universalistic bias of their declinist arguments? In responding to these questions, we draw upon data collected from Turkish and Syrian academics living in exile to argue that the critical commitments exiled intellectuals presume are under threat as rising authoritarianisms take hold globally and advanced neo-liberal practices tighten their grip on universities. The promise of Said's figuration of the 'intellectual in exile' and its political potential is also under threat as displaced scholars navigate democratic backsliding and structural precarity in the contemporary university and in the nation-states to which they have found themselves tied, eroding even further the conceptual idea of the critical intellectual and the potential power of the 'post-colonial intellectual'. In our research, this crisis of the intellectual is recounted by exilics paradoxically in both the autocratic and the 'nominally democratic' higher education (HE) context where in some cases the very idea of the intellectual can represent, at least in part, a banal political figuration epitomised in what Nancy Fraser refers to as progressive neo-liberalism. This is largely so because both authoritarian and nominally democratic states, whilst different in political charge, are simultaneously invoking 'states of emergency' and culture wars that are eroding their own intellectual constituencies' ability to disturb existing institutional norms and the taken for granted problems that emerge in everyday HE practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vast majority of studies on Buṭrus al-Bustānī (1819–83), a leading intellectual of the Arab Nahḍa, have focused on his intellectual "transitions" from the Maronite church to Protestantism and then to various secular pursuits, such as fostering a Syrian national identity, the separation of religion and politics, and supporting a political culture based on equal rights and religious ecumenism. The present article contends that the extant literature confers undue precedence to the secular over the religious in Bustānī's intellectual biography. A balanced portrayal requires giving due weight to his engagement with religious matters, such as: a defense of Protestantism as the sole true faith; the divine character, textual integrity, and veracity of the Bible; and the rejection of Darwinism's contradiction of aspects of his faith. The study also elucidates his explicit prejudices against Catholicism and Islam that were concomitant with his defense of freedom of conscience and support for revival of classical Arabic culture. The study shows that Bustānī strove to balance his loyalties to multiple intellectual orientations, creating tension within his own thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of electoral disputes and the transformation of power structures has been notably lacking in the historiography of republican universities during the first half of the 19th century. This article delves into the experiences of faculty members elected through the vote, which played a significant role in reshaping leadership and expanding intellectual culture at Universidad del Magdalena e Istmo between 1827 and 1840. During this period, somewhat uniquely, enlightened republicans established universities at the departmental (provincial) level in what is now the Republic of Colombia. However, there has been limited examination of the trajectories and selection processes of the educated elite from the standpoint of intellectual history. This article argues that the use of the electoral mechanism, in addition to determining representativeness and the rise of representative government in universities, was a pivotal factor in the affirmation of an education and a secular power. This, on one hand, eroded the clerical influence in higher education and, on the other, displaced ecclesiastics from positions of authority. The advent of the university within the framework of representative democracy also led to the emergence of other types of intellectuals, linked to humanistic knowledge, medicine, and even military education in the navy. Methodologically, the goal is to explore the political journeys of these intellectuals who managed to enter the university in the context of electoral disputes that reshaped academic leadership roles.

Ma Van Khang is a prominent novelist who has made significant contributions by delving into the subject of intellectuals. The author often contemplates the role of intellectuals in the society. There have been numerous research works on this central theme in Ma Van Khang's novels, and they have provided valuable assessments. However, interpreting Ma Van Khang's artistic choices and the depth of his perspective on the issues he addresses continue to provoke discussions. By situating Ma Van Khang's novels within the broader context of the fluctuating currents of modern Vietnamese fiction that focus on intellectuals and by examining the author's consciousness of the dynamic relationship between literature and life, this article contributes to explaining why the issues raised in the writer's works and the way he presents them have garnered positive responses from readers.

The article focuses on the emergence of university students among British women in the nineteenth century, exploring their experiences and subjectivities shaped by higher education. Topics include the underexplored aspects of women's study abroad experiences, the challenges faced by women of color studying in white-dominated cultures, and the phenomenon of women's reading parties as a form of sequestered community enabling intellectual pursuits away from campus.

Dans la lignée de travaux récents sur l'histoire des masculinités scientifiques et l'histoire sociale et culturelle des intellectuels, cet article propose une relecture des origines de la discipline historique centrée sur la partition entre espace public, monde privé et sphère professionnelle. Dès les années 1870, les ambitions nouvelles de l'histoire‐science redéfinirent en profondeur la persona savante, l'épistémologie disciplinaire et l'identité collective des historiens. Ce tournant scientifique favorisa l'institution d'un monde d'entre‐soi professionnel et masculin, précipitant ainsi la rupture avec le « grand public » profane, dont les femmes étaient l'incarnation la plus immédiate. En parallèle, ces chercheurs assignaient à l'histoire, « école du citoyen », d'importantes fonctions morales et civiques. Ainsi s'explique le discrédit jeté, en des termes charriant un profond imaginaire de genre, sur les travaux jugés trop étroitement érudits ou sur la « petite histoire », anecdotique et littéraire. Cet article met enfin en lumière la sphère privée des historiens, en insistant sur l'économie domestique du travail historiographique déployée au sein de l'espace du couple. Ces principes de vision et de division des mondes historiens ne manquent pas de générer des échos éminemment actuels, qui demeurent des objets de réflexivité collective pour la discipline d'aujourd'hui. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents Paulo Freire (1921-1997), on the centenary of his birth in 2021, as a global icon in education, whose actions, reflections and writings, as well as dialogues and talks, occurred against the background of an ever globalising world. To quote Martin Carnoy on a text concerning globalisation, published two years following Freire's demise, processes of globalisation have intensified and acquired new meaning through advances in information technology which render production, cultural manifestations and education ever more synchronised on a planetary scale in real time. Drawing on Walter Kohan, I examine the notion of Freire as an itinerant educator, educationist and intellectual. The paper then explores the nature of hegemonic globalisation against which he struggled in his later years, until the time of his death. All this, I argue, renders him a global intellectual in a globalising world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genette's Seuils considers the dramatic paratext as the odd one out, and, indeed, the early‐modern theatrical paratext has remained understudied. This article discusses the paratexts of the comedies of Giovanni Battista Calderari, a sixteenth‐century author quite neglected by scholars, whose works were published in Vicenza and Venice. By focusing on the paratexts of La Mora (The Moorish Woman, 1588), La schiava (The Slave Woman, 1589), and Armida (1600), the article stresses Calderari's attempts to clarify his poetic ideas and his endeavours to create a network of intellectuals and obtain their opinions about his work. These interlocutors belonged to the knights of Malta and the Vicenzan Accademia Olimpica, two circles to which Calderari himself belonged, but they also were authoritative Venetian intellectuals. His insertion of poems and letters that praise his person and work, reveals his attempt to promote himself and his writings. He tries to promote himself not only as a military man or a great Vicenzan poet, but as a scholar of theatre who is able to juggle poetic discourse and is worthy to be considered by intellectuals, though he ultimately seems to have failed to really assert himself on the Venetian cultural scene and the Vicenzan stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research field of nonprofits and philanthropy has grown exponentially. To what extent do nonprofit scholars share a common language? Answering this question is crucial to assessing the field's intellectual cohesiveness. We studied how coauthor networks, scholarly reputation, and the prevalence of female authors influence consensus formation. We found that the degree of consensus for all major research topics in the field has increased over time—For every 10% growth in the volume of literature, shared language increased by 1.4%. A cohesive research community on nonprofits and philanthropy has been forming since the early 2000s. Female scholars are fewer in number and less cited than males; their presence did not exceed 40% for most topics. The citation counts of scholars and small-world property of networks are positively associated with consensus, suggesting that star researchers and knowledge brokers bridging different intellectual communities are key to sharing research interests and language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Zhang Wojun (1902–1955) and the memory of his 'collaboration' with Japan during the Second World War. A Taiwanese-born writer and educator who lived in Beijing for 25 years, his drifting identity was full of ambiguities. Although he was one of the key intellectuals behind Taiwan's New-Old Literatures Debate and responsible for introducing many May Fourth ideas to Taiwan, he also played an important role in bringing Japanese literature and thought into Chinese discourse during the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s. During the war, he continued to teach in Beijing and travelled to Japan to attend the Greater East Asia Writers' conferences. Some of his works from this period call for the Chinese people to support the empire and eradicate Western culture and literature from Asia, but many of his writings also indicate a strong sense of Chinese nationalism. This article considers the memories of Zhang, his various intellectual contributions, and his oeuvre, arguing that his collaboration must be understood and contextualized within his intellectual landscape through a research methodology that examines continuities and change across decades of his life and work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the development of aesthetics in classical Arabic culture, particularly the rationalist theory of aesthetics rooted in reason and logic, exemplified by the concept of "ta'ajjub" or wonder. This concept emphasizes the intellectual search for hidden meanings through visible phenomena, as evidenced by the analysis of Arabic poetry and literary theory by scholars like Avicenna and al-Jurjānī.

The objective of this article is to analyse the trajectories of the intellectuals who participated in the different instances in charge of legislating around the educational policy implemented during the Civil Military Dictatorship led by Augusto Pinochet in Chile (1973-1990). The group of intellectuals analysed includes the Ministers of Education from the period 1973-1978, the Frigate Captains Eduardo Cabezón Contreras and Juan Enrique Fröemel Andrade, as well as the civilian and military members of the Legislative Commissions related to the educational field. In methodological terms, the article adopts a historiographical approach built upon a wide variety of sources that provide information about the actors involved in the legislative process and their initiatives. Laws and decrees promulgated by the Civil Military Dictatorship were thus analysed, together with the minutes of the Military Government Junta that record the meetings for the legislative work in which the subjects here considered participated. The results show, on the one hand, the relevance acquired by military intellectuals in the first stage of the regime, as well as the early influence of the Chicago Boys in the ideological production on education of the Chilean Civil Military Dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the British occultist Aleister Crowley (1875–1947) as an advertiser of the occult. Relying on theories of advertising and branding, it is argued that Crowley's main branding strategy was the use of irony and humor in order to distance himself from other actors on the occult market. Furthermore, it is argued that this can be understood as a strategy of legitimization rooted in class consciousness, and more specifically in the elite intellectualism of turn-of-the-century Oxbridge. Crowley's brand identity as the Great Beast 666, the Prophet of a New Age or Aeon, is analyzed with a special focus on his branding strategies in advertising, divided into (1) advertisements in books, (2) prospectuses, (3) marketing campaigns, and (4) the marketing of Crowley as a spiritual teacher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article proposes that the final simile in the poem "The Scholarly-Gypsy" by Matthew Arnold referred to English poet Alfred Tennyson. Topics discussed include medical metaphor in the poem as criticism of Tennyson's elegy "In Memoriam," intellectual curiosity of the scholarly-gypsy versus Tennyson's intellectual throne, Arnold's diagnosis of modern life disease and parody of the content of "In Memoriam," references to merchants' bales in both poems, and epic heroism of the scholarly-gypsy.

This article provides an overview of the work and legacy of Edward Said, a well-known intellectual and activist. It discusses the lack of attention his work has received within academia and postcolonial journals, despite its widespread discussion in mainstream forums. The article explores various reasons for this, including a shift towards tribalism and a desire for more radical politics. It also delves into Said's philosophical claims, particularly regarding linguistic structures and the relationship between narrative and reality. The author acknowledges the complexity of Said's legacy and the criticisms he has faced, while recognizing the importance of his work. The article also addresses the tension between authorship and celebrity, as well as Said's rejection of certain aspects of Michel Foucault's ideas. It highlights the contradictions and influences in Said's work, including his engagement with Marxism and his negotiation of imperialism. The author expresses gratitude for the articles that contribute to the ongoing relevance of Said's work. [Extracted from the article]

Between 1910 and 1912, La Buena Lectura was published. It was a newspaper from Antioquia funded by the Sociedad de San Vicente de Paul. On its pages emerge reading protocols that search for the conquest of public reason by Catholicism. As a result, an interpretative community of intellectual people arose educating a lector community to read without affection or emotion and with a high sense of duty. This use of reading takes structural components from catechism and materializes without doubt as a fundamental moment in the history of the practices and the formation of readers in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the political and literary place of Helcías Martán Góngora in relation to Afro-Colombian critical thought. In this sense, it analyzes how he portrayed black/Afro-Colombian experiences in his poems and essays. The article sustains that his poems and essays reflect aspects of what is considered a committed intellectual. Based on his political action and literary production, the writer defended black/Afro-Colombian culture and its intelligentsia. His defense took place in a national anti-black/afrocolombian poetry, which make more valuable his works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why and when do today's Far‐Right groups cooperate across national boundaries? This paper seeks to provide answers to these questions by examining a deviant rather than representative case: the transnational connections between right‐wing intellectuals in South Korea and Japan. Analysing the recent publication of a highly controversial and provocative book and the transnational politics around it, we emphasise the roles of right‐wing intellectuals and the processes by which divergent political interests converge in changing geopolitical and domestic political contexts. By situating Far Right activities in its broader context of shaping—colonial history, American hegemony and the confrontation with socialist regimes such as China and North Korea—this paper develops a contextual account of the transnational Far Right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changing attitudes and perceptions allied to the values of diversity and inclusive education is a recognised challenge in ITE (Initial Teacher Education). Using meta-ethnographic methods, this article aims to describe how preservice teachers' attitudes or perceptions towards inclusive education can be developed during ITE. The results show the importance of recognising the value of practical experiences, reflecting with others, and researching and transforming situations of inclusive education as essential activities for generating positive attitudes or perceptions towards inclusive education. As researchers, we have confidence in the studies conducted by other ethnographers and their value for clarifying and extending analytical generalisations across time and space. As teachers/researchers, we highlight the relevance of working as organic intellectuals acting in the interest of education and social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the methodological proposals for studying "cultural visits" in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, offering alternatives to categories such as academic exchanges, scientific mobility, and intellectual networks. The author discusses the challenges and choices in analyzing the cultural impact of various figures, including university professors, scientists, politicians, and diplomats, emphasizing the need to consider not only academic but also cultural events generated by these visits. It highlights the author's experience in directing a collective book on cultural visits in Argentina, providing insights into the challenges faced, such as gender imbalances and geographical limitations.

The study of electoral disputes and the transformation of power structures has been notably lacking in the historiography of republican universities during the first half of the 19th century. This article delves into the experiences of faculty members elected through the vote, which played a significant role in reshaping leadership and expanding intellectual culture at Universidad del Magdalena e Istmo between 1827 and 1840. During this period, somewhat uniquely, enlightened republicans established universities at the departmental (provincial) level in what is now the Republic of Colombia. However, there has been limited examination of the trajectories and selection processes of the educated elite from the standpoint of intellectual history. This article argues that the use of the electoral mechanism, in addition to determining representativeness and the rise of representative government in universities, was a pivotal factor in the affirmation of an education and a secular power. This, on one hand, eroded the clerical influence in higher education and, on the other, displaced ecclesiastics from positions of authority. The advent of the university within the framework of representative democracy also led to the emergence of other types of intellectuals, linked to humanistic knowledge, medicine, and even military education in the navy. Methodologically, the goal is to explore the political journeys of these intellectuals who managed to enter the university in the context of electoral disputes that reshaped academic leadership roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the phenomenon of urban megapolization and the transformation of cities into global or networked entities with distinct features. Topics include the urban elements contributing to navigability, the challenge of establishing aesthetic cohesion in constantly evolving megacities, and the contemporary intellectual obsession with representing the polyphony and constant transformation of urban spaces.

Public intellectual life is an area of inquiry that has not received a great deal of attention within the field of sociolinguistics. This article investigates the performative dimension of public intellectual engagement in the area of language and gender and, more specifically, how epistemic authority about gender-neutral language is constructed in public intellectual contributions in Catalonia, Spain. Adopting Arendt's notion of truth claim and the Foucauldian concepts of regimes of truth and epistemic sovereignty, we empirically examine the mechanisms of reception and validation of the public engagements of one highly visible linguistic scholar. Our study shows the ways in which this intellectual figure strives to be recognised as having exclusive scientific authority about language. We argue that pursuing the allegedly impartial standpoint of epistemic authority about gender and language inevitably advances the interests of specific political actors and large media corporations of a conservative strand that fervently oppose gender-neutral language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]